工人阶级应当解决白俄罗斯危机

英译本配图:挂上十月革命后成立的白俄罗斯社会主义苏维埃共和国(ССРБ)旗帜的红军机枪马车,瞄准白俄罗斯右派用作国徽的立陶宛大公国追击骑士标志。

编按:本文译自乌克兰左派团体斗争派在2020年8月25日发表的声明的英译本。英译者为格雷格·巴特菲尔德(Greg Butterfield),英译本标题为《The working class should put an end to the Belarusian crisis》

August 25: The political crisis in the Republic of Belarus has continued for two weeks. The reason was the latest presidential election, the official results of which (the victory of the incumbent President Alexander Lukashenko with 80 percent) categorically did not suit the opposition. Thousands of rallies were held throughout the country. In the early days of the protest, the security forces responded with brutal force. Despite the fact that the protesters failed to achieve their goal — removing President Lukashenko from power — the confrontation continues.

8月25日:白俄罗斯共和国的政治危机已经持续了两个星期。以反对派彻底否定官方公布的总统选举结果(现任总统卢卡申科得票八成获胜)为触发点,白俄罗斯全国各地举行了数以千计的示威集会。在抗议运动的头几天,保安部队实行无情的暴力镇压。尽管反对派没有成功驱赶卢卡申科总统下台,双方仍在对峙。

Lukashenko’s government

卢卡申科的政府

Belarus differs from other post-Soviet countries — Russia, Ukraine, Moldova — in that the permanent President Lukashenko, who came to power in 1994, did not permit mass privatization and destruction of social infrastructure. Most of the large enterprises remain state-owned. Agriculture enjoys state support and provides jobs for a significant part of the country’s population.

白俄罗斯与俄罗斯、乌克兰和摩尔多瓦等前苏联加盟国的不同之处,在于在1994年上台的「永远的总统」卢卡申科,并没有容许大规模私有化和消灭社会基本保障。大部分大企业仍然是国有企业,国家支持的农业为白俄罗斯不少人提供了就业。

The cost of economic and social stability was a severe suppression of opposition. However, thanks to these economic and social policies, Lukashenko’s support has rarely dropped below 60 percent before.

经济和社会稳定的另一面是政府对反对派的严厉打压。尽管如此,这些经济和社会政策还是让卢卡申科曾经长年获得至少六成民众的支持。

In 2019-2020, the situation in Belarus worsened. The global recession has affected the economy of Belarus. Economic difficulties have intensified with the COVID-19 epidemic.

在2019-2020年期间,白俄罗斯的情况开始恶化。 全球衰退影响了白俄罗斯的经济,新冠疫情进一步加深了经济的困难。

It should be noted that in recent years the Lukashenko regime has taken a number of anti-social measures: a tax on “parasites,” reform of labor laws, and some others. However, these decisions were less likely than in Ukraine or Russia to “rob” the majority of workers. The resources obtained from the reduction of the “social sphere” went to state needs, and not into the pockets of oligarchs and officials, as is the case in other post-Soviet countries.

应当指出,卢卡申科政权近年来实行了若干反社会的政策:如向「寄生虫」【译注:指有劳动能力而靠国家救济过活的群体】征税,修改劳动法等等。然而,与乌克兰或俄罗斯相比,白俄罗斯这种决策相对不会「抢劫」大多数的劳动者。因为白俄罗斯从「社会领域」削减的资源投向了其它的国家需要,而不是像其它的前苏联加盟国一样,落入寡头和官员的口袋之中。

It is also necessary to emphasize the smooth ideological turn of the Lukashenko regime in recent years: fearing absorption by Russia, nationalistic motives were increasingly woven into the state ideology, a policy of “Belarusianization” was pursued and the soft expulsion of the Russian language from the public sphere was carried out.

人们也要重视卢卡申科政权近年来圆滑的意识形态转向:因害怕被俄罗斯吞并,越来越多的民族主义主题被编进国家意识形态;政府推行了「白俄罗斯化」和用软性手段从公共领域排斥俄罗斯语的政策。

Against this background, there was a serious deterioration in relations between Belarus and Russia, its main economic partner and political ally. In response to Russian demands for deeper integration and merger into a single state, Lukashenko used the rhetoric of national sovereignty and effectively blocked closer unification. In turn, Russia began to apply pressure by raising the price of energy.

在此背景下,白俄罗斯与其主要的经济伙伴和政治盟友俄罗斯的关系严重恶化。面对俄罗斯提出的深化融合和建立统一国家的要求,卢卡申科动用了国家主权的话语并在实际上阻止了走向统一的步伐。俄罗斯则进而开始通过提高能源价格施压。

The nature of the protests

示威的性质

The picture of the confrontation between the “people” and the “dictator” imposed by the imperialist media should not overshadow a political and class analysis. Sympathy for the victims of police brutality does not mean supporting their political agenda.

帝国主义媒体强加的「人民」与「独裁者」之间的对立的景象,不应压倒政治和阶级分析。同情警察暴力的受害者,并不意味着支持他们的政治议程。

The leading force in the protests against the Lukashenko regime was the urban middle class, which has grown and strengthened during the years of relative economic prosperity. The middle class considered the framework of the paternalistic welfare state to be restrictive, seeing its ideal in the “free market” and “free enterprise.” Having no experience of neoliberal reforms that have destroyed the economies of Ukraine and Russia, a significant part of the Belarusian people sees the future of their country in market-driven “freedom.”

在此前经济相对繁荣的时期内发展壮大的城市中产阶级,是反对卢卡申科政权的抗议运动的领导力量。以「自由市场」和「自由企业」为理想的中产阶级认为,家长式的福利国家束缚了他们的手脚。由于没有亲历摧毁了乌克兰和俄罗斯的经济的新自由主义改革,为数不少的白俄罗斯人民把市场主导的「自由」视为国家的未来。

However, a neoliberal program of large-scale privatization, health cuts and freedom to lay off workers is unlikely to appeal to most workers. That is why the “reform” program, initially widely advertised by opposition candidate Svetlana Tikhanovskaya and her supporters, was later simply hidden. But it was too late.

然而,大规模私有化、裁减公共医疗和自由解雇工人的新自由主义纲领,并不可能吸引大多数的劳动者。正因如此,反对派总统候选人斯维特拉娜·季哈诺夫斯卡娅(Svetlana Tikhanovskaya)在选战开始时曾大力宣扬的「改革」纲领,后来就干脆被下架。但这个动作来得太迟了。

The position of secession from the Union State [of Russia and Belarus, founded in 1996], as well as the dominance of nationalist bloggers and journalists in the Opposition Coordinating Council, alienated broad strata of the population from the protest movement.

脱离1996年成立的俄罗斯和白俄罗斯联盟的主张,还有民族主义博主和记者们控制「反对派协调委员会」的事实,都让白俄罗斯各大阶层的民众与抗议运动保持距离。

At the symbolic level, the “white-red-white” nationalist flag, which was also used by Belarusian collaborators during the Second World War, dominates in the protests.

抗议运动的象征,是二战期间白俄罗斯纳粹分子都用过的「白红白」民族主义旗帜。

In the absence of prominent leaders, political émigrés controlled by the CIA’s Radio Liberty and the Polish government became the center of control of the protests. Thus, the widespread protest movement was utilized by liberal-nationalist politicians under the control of imperialism, which makes it possible to draw some parallels with the Euromaidan events in Ukraine.

由于抗议运动在白俄罗斯国内没有突出的领导人,美国中情局自由电台控制的政治流亡分子和波兰政府成为了运动的指挥中心。因此,帝国主义控制的自由派民族主义政客集团操控了散布各地的抗议运动,使其与乌克兰亲欧事变有若干的相似性。

In response to mass protests, Lukashenko began mobilizing his supporters. Although rallies in support of the president were less massive than opposition rallies, they did not have the character of paid extras, as was often the case with [deposed Ukrainian President] Yanukovych. Lukashenko was supported by older people who have a negative experience of the collapse of the USSR and appreciate the remnants of the welfare state preserved in Belarus.

为应对群众抗议,卢卡申科开始动员自己的支持者。仅管支持总统的示威集会不及反对派集会人多势众,但它们并不是被赶下台的乌克兰前总统亚努科维奇所往往诉诸的、充斥临时演员的东西。那些对于苏联崩溃有负面的经历和肯定白俄罗斯保存福利国家遗产的比较年长的群众,是卢卡申科的支持者。

The role of the working class

工人阶级的角色

Unexpectedly for many, an important factor in Belarusian politics was the working class of large enterprises, which actually acted as a separate “party” to the conflict. It was for the allegiance of the working class that the main struggle between Lukashenko and the opposition unfolded.

出乎不少人的意料,大企业工人阶级成为了白俄罗斯政局的一个重要因素;他们实际上在这场冲突中自成了一个「阵营」。卢卡申科同反对派之间的主要斗争,就是为争夺工人阶级的支持而展开的。

Outraged by the police brutality of the early days of the protests, the working class began to lean towards the opposition. Demands to stop the beatings and to release those arrested found support from the workers. Sensing this, the opposition declared a national strike. However, by that time the harsh crackdown on the protesters had stopped, and most of those arrested were released. While sympathizing with those arrested, the working class was not at all ready to support the political agenda of the protest leaders — privatization, market reforms, nationalism — and the plan to rouse the workers for a nationwide strike actually failed.

在抗议运动的头几天,被警察暴行激怒的工人阶级一度倾向于反对派。要求当局停止暴行和释放被捕人员的诉求,得到了部份工人的支持。察觉到了这种氛围的反对派宣布举行全国总罢工。然而,到那个时候,政府已经停止了严打示威者,也释放了大部分被捕人员。工人阶级尽管同情被捕人员,但完全没有打算支持运动领袖的私有化、市场改革和民族主义的政治议程。反对派煽动工人举行全国罢工的计划彻底失败了。

The opposition, in turn, deliberately focused on recruiting workers exclusively from state-owned enterprises into the ranks of the strikers in order to inflict maximum economic damage to the “Lukashenko regime.” At the same time, the leaders of workers’ protests associated with the opposition leadership voiced only political slogans; the social agenda was promoted exclusively by representatives of the left-wing organizations of the Republic of Belarus. Along with demands for the abolition of fixed-term labor contracts, leftist activists opposed the privatization of state-owned enterprises. These slogans naturally conflicted with the general trend of the liberal-nationalist agenda and were de facto banned from the main opposition media sources. 

为了对「卢卡申科政权」施加最大的经济打击,反对派继而故意重点专门鼓动国有企业工人参加罢工。与此同时,与反对派领导层有联系的那些工人抗议活动的带头人们,只提出了政治口号;而白俄罗斯共和国的各个左翼组织则包揽了社会诉求。左翼积极分子们除了要求废除固定期限劳动合同外,也反对私有化国有企业。这些左翼口号自然地与自由派民族主义议程的总倾向格格不入,事实上也被反对派的主要媒体封杀。

However, theses about the “rising labor movement” were actively broadcast outside the Republic and served as an excuse for supporting the white-red-white protests for many left-wing and democratic organizations outside Belarus. It can be stated that the real labor movement, thanks to skillful manipulation, served as a screen for the liberal-market movement led by leaders of the pro-Western opposition. Such examples are well known in history: for example, the protest of freight carriers in Chile against the Allende government in 1972-1973, and the protest of miners in 1991 in the USSR.

尽管如此,各种关于「工运蓬勃发展」的说法还是被大肆对外宣传,并成为白俄罗斯国外不少左翼和民主团体支持白红白抗议运动的借口。 应当指出,即使是真实的工人运动,在精巧的操控之下,也会成为掩护亲西方反对派领导的自由派市场运动的烟幕。1972至1973年间反对阿连德政府的智利卡车工人抗议和1991年苏联煤矿工人的抗议运动,就是广为人知的两个历史实例。

Borotba welcomes the attempts of the Belarusian left to organize an independent political movement of the working class. But the elimination of the paternalistic state and the implementation of market reforms cannot be an option for Belarus. On the contrary, the strengthening of the social character of the state and the introduction of truly socialist elements into public life can become a way out and an alternative to the lifelong rule of Alexander Lukashenko. And this development is impossible without a strong left movement and independent organizations of the working class.

斗争派支持白俄罗斯左翼努力组织工人阶级的独立政治运动。但我们必须指出,所谓消灭家长式国家和推行市场改革,对白俄罗斯来说是死路一条。恰恰相反,只有加强国家的社会性质和在公共生活中投入真正的社会主义元素,才足以成为亚历山大·卢卡申科的终身统治之外的选择和出路。没有强大的左翼运动和工人阶级的独立组织,这种发展是绝不可能的。

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One Comment

  1. Cybernetic1
    2020年09月14日 @ 4:47 上午

    像白俄罗斯或香港这样的「小国」或「地区」,其实只是大国较量之间的棋子。 美国自从大小布殊开始军事介入中东,直到现在的颜色革命,都是只顾「推翻」而忽略了「重建」,所以人们逐渐不相信颜色革命。 同时也是东西方之间冷战的「钟摆效应」,中国现在正享受着一个 winning streak,但中国内部仍然有很多问题暂时被掩盖。

    香港建制派只是中国的傀儡,当中国不再那么给力地支撑香港,建制派就会「退潮裸泳」。 所以香港的出路是要寻找一种独立的赚钱模式,然后才可以像新加坡。

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